Managing remote territories
In today’s world, there is a great multitude of protracted interethnic conflicts, but the regular attempts to resolve them remain largely fruitless. The cause of these "perpetual" conflicts most often lies in territorial disputes, in which enclaves play a very important role. This is the name given to a part of the territory of a sovereign country that is surrounded by another state from all sides. Enclaves began to appear during the period of state formation. For example, in the USSR, the borders between individual villages of neighboring republics were mostly drawn up based on the principle of the actual residence of people. This practice of haphazardly drawing borders led to the fact that, having achieved independence, most Central Asian countries were unable to resolve their territorial disputes diplomatically. Regular local conflicts escalated into bloody wars that brought about gigantic losses in terms of human casualties. It has also been impossible to put an end to violent territorial disputes in the Middle East, where a fierce war between the Israeli and Arab people has been raging for decades. Even countries with exemplary democracies, such as the United States, are using enclaves for their strategic purposes; the U.S. authorities have already established one of the country’s largest military bases in Alaska.
The Gaza Strip: governing the unstable enclave of Palestine
The protracted conflict between Israel and Palestine has been dragging on since the end of the Second World War. All this time, the region has been in a state of constant combat readiness. Occasionally, the conflicting parties tried to take measures to reduce the tension, but they did not manage to achieve a truce. The reason lies in a small enclave of Palestine on the Mediterranean coast — the Gaza Strip.
For much of the past century, the Gaza Strip was the target of military campaigns for Israel and other neighboring states. After the bloody Six-Day War of 1967, the territory remained under Israeli jurisdiction for 40 years. During that time, the Muslim Association was established in the Gaza Strip. Its initial goal was to help the Israeli authorities carry out reforms in the spheres of education and health care. Over time, this educational organization turned into a political party by the name of “Hamas” and began to cooperate closely with the intelligence services of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
In 2006, following the results of the elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council, members of the Hamas party won a landslide victory and declared their mission to purge the territory of historic Palestine of Judaism, to relocate the capital city of Palestine to East Jerusalem, and to restore Islamic theocracies throughout the Middle East.
In 2007, representatives of the Hamas party from the Gaza Strip and the Fatah party from the West Bank of the Jordan River formed a unified coalition. The latter came to power as a result of a civil war that erupted over the different visions that existed in the political circles of that time regarding the future of Palestine. The party was fully controlled by President Mahmoud Abbas. Meanwhile, the Hamas party was gaining a foothold in Gaza.
Since that time, there have been regular military provocations from the Gaza enclave directed against Israel. In 2021 and 2022, mass uncontrollable riots broke out between Arabs and Jews because local Jewish authorities started to forcibly evict Muslims from the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood adjacent to the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. At that time, representatives of the Fatah party only published a few video comments, in which they expressed their concern about the events taking place. Meanwhile, Hamas activists launched several missiles aimed at Jewish settlements. The riots continued into 2023. In early October, Hamas activists from the Gaza Strip announced the beginning of a military operation against Israel called "Al-Aqsa Flood". The Arab side accused Israel of making regular incursions into the Al-Aqsa Mosque located on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which is deeply revered by the Muslim population. Seven Israeli neighborhoods were hit by missile attacks from the Gaza Strip. The Israeli side started to carry out retaliatory strikes against military infrastructure in the Gaza Strip as part of the "Swords of Iron" special operation.
Local riots accompanied by arson and murder are also typical of the Fatah party. However, the authorities of the West Bank, as during last year's conflicts, have so far preferred to refrain from actively intervening in the current conflict. Officials in Ramallah only made several formal statements regarding the attack, calling on the international community to stop the Israeli offensive. This proves that, in fact, there is a complete lack of coordination and unity between the Palestinian authorities and the Gaza enclave. Moreover, the central Palestinian authorities seem to be fearful of what the Hamas party is capable of. And the reason why they have not rushed to criticize Israel is that, in reality, they are worried about the reaction of its international partners from the collective West.
Nakhchivan — an Azerbaijani exclave
Historically, territories like the Gaza Strip were created during administrative reforms based on the principle of the actual residence of people. Thus, people of not only different nationalities but also of drastically different mentalities and cultural codes were mixed together.
In the South Caucasus, the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, with a population of half a million people, fits the definition of an enclave. While remaining an integral part of Azerbaijan, the region is surrounded on all sides by Iran and Armenia. Therefore, all cargo and passenger transportation from Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic is carried out through the territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result of the Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020, the Armenian authorities guaranteed transportation between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, but Baku still insists on the creation of the Zangezur corridor, which would allow for the unimpeded movement of goods and people, bypassing customs and passport control.
However, the Armenian authorities fear new territorial claims from Azerbaijan. What they find deeply concerning is the fact that after the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Azerbaijani politicians began to express the opinion that the Syunik region of Armenia (in the south of the republic) is the historical Azerbaijani province of Zangezur, which connected the main territory of Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan. Under these circumstances, the Armenian authorities fear that if Azerbaijan manages to run a land corridor through the Syunik province, the south of Armenia will be completely blocked by the Azerbaijanis, which will inevitably lead to another bloody war.
Enclaves in Central Asia
The borders between the peoples of Central Asia have long been very fluid. The question of administrative division became relevant after the decision was made to dissolve the unified Turkestan ASSR and establish five union republics. During this period, it was decided to divide the territory based on the principle of the actual residence at the time of the census. As a consequence, some villages in the multi-ethnic Fergana Valley received the status of enclaves.
Six enclave districts were formed on the territory of the Kyrgyz SSR. These territories legally belonged to the Tajik and Uzbek republics. In turn, there were also Kyrgyz and Tajik enclaves in Soviet Uzbekistan.
In 1999, several powerful explosions occurred in government buildings located in the center of Tashkent. The law enforcement agencies were unable to immediately find and apprehend the perpetrators of this terrorist act. However, they received operational information that the perpetrators had fled to Uzbek enclaves located on the territory of Kyrgyzstan. As a result, the borders of all Uzbek enclaves were mined. The Uzbek authorities sent in the troops and introduced a visa regime in the largest settlements of Sokh and Shakhimardan. In 2001, Uzbekistan began to consider the possibility of incorporating the Sokh enclave into the republic and simultaneously granting Kyrgyzstan a territory of the same size. Another alternative was to create a full-fledged transportation corridor leading from the enclave to Uzbekistan. The negotiation process was interrupted in 2013 when interethnic clashes between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz started to occur in the enclave amid the construction of a power transmission line in Sokh by the Kyrgyz military. As a result, the Kyrgyz authorities decided to enclose the territory of the Uzbek enclave with barbed wire. Negotiations between the two countries continued into 2022, and an agreement was reached to simplify the procedure of crossing the state border for residents of Sokh and Shakhimardan districts.
The authorities of the republics have made significant breakthroughs in the peaceful negotiations regarding the disputed territories. However, there still exist a few zones of potential instability. One of them is the tiny but strategically important enclave of Chongara, which is located near an oil field. This strategically important settlement could at any moment turn into the epicenter of a bloody interstate conflict. The Kyrgyz authorities are also trying to reach agreements with Tajikistan, but armed conflicts nonetheless erupt between the two countries from time to time. The primary reason behind it is that ethnic Tajiks consider it a historical injustice that the large village of Vorukh ended up within the borders of Kyrgyzstan.
The enclaves of Central Asia still remain a bone of contention between neighboring countries. The inability of the countries’ authorities to diplomatically divide the disputed territories risks escalating into large-scale bloody wars that all CSTO members will be forced to participate in. In order to maintain stability in this macro-region, it is necessary to ensure the free movement of citizens across the border areas, create transportation corridors from the borders to the enclaves, and consider the possibility of an equal exchange of territories.
Managing the world's largest Arctic exclave
Alaska is not just the world's largest exclave but also a strategically important U.S. state. The region is crucial to the U.S. authorities due to its rich deposits of gold, zinc, silver, lead, and gas. There are so many deposits of oil in the northwestern part of the state that the federal authorities have decided to preserve them until the world's oil deposits are completely exhausted.
It is expected that a great multitude of confirmed deposits of natural resources in Alaska will allow the U.S. to strengthen its status as one of the leading energy powers in the world.
Alaska's special strategic importance, however, lies in its remote geographic location. The U.S. federal authorities have set up a big military base on the territory of the state, where large-scale military exercises are regularly carried out and new types of military equipment are tested under extreme weather conditions. For example, the fifth-generation F-35 fighters have demonstrated excellent combat readiness in the conditions of the Far North. In 2021, 54 units of these warplanes were added to the fleet of the local Eielson Air Force Base. Moreover, military departments are designing special Arctic combat icebreakers to protect the coast of Alaska. The plan is to build three specialized vessels by 2029.
After the aggravation of relations between the countries of the collective West and Russia, U.S. senators have become increasingly active in making accusatory statements against the Russian authorities, putting an emphasis on their overly consumerist use of the Arctic Ocean subsoil. Against the backdrop of such accusations, in 2022, the Arctic Strategy and Global Resilience Office was established by the U.S. Department of Defense. Shortly after, the experts of the new department compiled the National Strategy for the Arctic Region (NSAR), which is scheduled to be implemented by 2032. The document emphasizes the need to develop the Arctic region through the coordinated joint efforts of all Arctic states. First of all, the authors of the document are referring to the partners of the U.S. in the NATO military bloc (Denmark, Canada, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). What unites all these countries is their desire to restrain Russia's activities in the Arctic as much as possible.
Developing Russia's Arctic and remote territories
In 1993, the governments of Finland, Norway, Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and Iceland founded the Barents Euro-Arctic Council. Experts of the international organization worked together on complex tasks aimed at slowing down the accelerated melting of glaciers and reducing the risks of extinction of local fauna. During this period of cooperation with European experts, several specially protected natural territories of federal significance and national parks, such as "Russian Arctic", "Onega Pomorie", and "Berengia", were established in the Russian Arctic zone.
Against the backdrop of the aggravation of relations between the countries of the collective West and Russia, the Northern Fleet Joint Strategic Command was founded in 2014. Work began on the construction of all the necessary infrastructure, including aviation ranges and airfields that would be compatible with advanced Russian aircraft.
The expert community began compiling the strategic document "Foundations of the Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic for the period up to 2035". The document outlines the need to build an offshore transshipment complex for liquefied natural gas (LNG) transportation in Kamchatka and to set up an LNG terminal in the settlement of Sabetta on the shore of the Kara Sea. It is expected that these projects will enable Russia to develop the large Salmanovskoye oil and gas condensate field within a shorter time frame. Industrialists are also actively developing the Novaya Zemlya archipelago. The world's largest deposits of non-ferrous and ferrous metal ores are located there, as well as the Pavlovskoye silver-bearing lead-zinc deposit. According to geologists, the seas surrounding the archipelago also have impressive oil and gas potential.
It is also worth mentioning the Sakhalin Oblast, which has a highly favorable geographical location, vast fishing possibilities, and huge oil and gas deposits. Given the tense political situation in Eastern Europe, the systematic development of this Far Eastern region in the foreseeable future can guarantee the comprehensive development not only of the Far Eastern Federal District but also of the entire country. It has been decided to start the reforms with the organization of an extensive transport and logistics network throughout the region and the construction of large industrial facilities. We are talking about an already-built air terminal complex, the construction of a carbohydrate processing plant, and the complete modernization of the Korsakov seaport. It is expected that the deep-water port will be very busy due to the ongoing expansion of reciprocal trade flows with East and Southeast Asian countries. In addition, the authorities will try to reduce the environmental pressures exerted on the largest city in the region, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, and its surrounding areas. For this purpose, a bypass road for heavy vehicles will be built around the regional center. Numerous infrastructure projects will become the driving force of economic growth at the federal level.
Prospects for the development of Russia's western exclave
The one-stage accession of Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia to the European Union took place in 2004. Under these circumstances, the Kaliningrad Oblast acquired the status of an enclave of the European Union. Against the backdrop of Western countries' support for the parliamentary elections in Ukraine and its subsequent liberalization, the Russian authorities decided to actively develop the economic competitiveness of the westernmost region of the country. Thus, in 2012, the Strategy for Socio-Economic Development of the Kaliningrad Oblast was adopted. It was designed to last until 2031. The first step was to try and meet the region's basic needs for electricity through internal resources. For this reason, four TPPs were put into operation in the region. Their joint capacity is sufficient to fully meet the needs of the population of the Kaliningrad Oblast and, if necessary, to sell surplus electricity to other countries.
The Kaliningrad Oblast’s growth strategy is also aimed at attracting major investors to the region, and local authorities will be obligated to regularly report on the progress in this area. Thus, in 2023, one of the largest investment projects in the region was a plant specializing in the production of pipes and ground anchors used in the sphere of hydrotechnical and transport construction. There is also a unique production facility that produces composite tank containers for the transportation of hazardous chemicals.
The region produces approximately one million tons of oil. However, the insufficient oil refining capacities in the region are reflected in the relatively high consumer prices of gasoline. Therefore, the regional authorities are tasked with finding investors to fund an oil refinery; this will allow the Kaliningrad Oblast to become less dependent on supplies from other regions and to reduce the cost of gasoline. Moreover, the IT-technology sector has been identified as one of the priority areas of development in the region.
Amidst the growing geopolitical instability and the aggravation of relations between Russia and the countries of the collective West, the Russian exclave automatically becomes a zone of high alert. The fact is that the region is home to a number of military facilities, including naval bases and missile complexes, which attract the attention of NATO.
At the beginning of 2023, one and a half thousand soldiers of the Baltic Fleet and one hundred units of weapons and military equipment took part in combat training amid the high operational readiness in the territory of the Kaliningrad Oblast.
The experience of the Russian authorities in regard to managing the Kaliningrad and Sakhalin Oblasts and the controlled Arctic territories gives sufficient grounds to refute the opinion that remote territories are nothing but potential war zones and epicenters of poverty and international instability. Amidst a very complex political situation, these Russian regions are comprehensively developing and steadily becoming more and more self-sufficient, which guarantees the stability and inviolability of the state borders.
